- Myanmar’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi has cut off young protesters who are fighting for democracy.
- Aung San Suu Kyi is still a respected figure, but more as a historical figure.
- Some protesters avoided non-violence-this is Aung San Suu Kyi’s core principle.
The Burmese leader Aung San Suu Kyi, imprisoned and detained by the military, is isolated from young protesters who are now fighting for democracy outside of her shadow.
On Sunday, six months after her National League for Democracy (NLD) government was removed, it triggered a large-scale uprising and violent military suppression, killing nearly 1,000 people.
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Aung San Suu Kyi is still a respected figure in the local area because she bravely opposed the previous military government, even though her international reputation has been damaged since she came to power in the power-sharing agreement with the general.
But for many who are still fighting, the revolution must go further than the movement led by the Nobel laureate decades ago and permanently eradicate the military’s dominance in the country’s politics and economy.
“We went on strike not because of the National League for Democracy, but because we don’t want our next generation to live under the army like we do,” said a 33-year-old doctor who was fired after participating in a protest.
The flash mob rallies organized on social media and the use of three-finger democratic salutes show that young activists in Myanmar have more in common than their contemporaries in Hong Kong and Thailand, and compared with older veterans in their own political struggles. many.
“Methods of Decentralization”
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Human Rights Watch researcher Manni Maung said that Aung San Suu Kyi is still respected and loved by many people in Myanmar, “but more as a historical figure.”
She added that the democratic movement “no longer needs idols.”
“They have a more decentralized way of power and want to see the emergence of different political forces.”
Some people also avoid non-violence, the core principle of Aung San Suu Kyi.
It is believed that hundreds of people have entered the jungle on foot to receive combat training from veteran rebel groups, hoping to return to the army.
The urban guerrillas also clashed with the military government. The military reported that two officers were killed in a gun battle between the central city of Mandalay and the local government last month.
Aung San Suu Kyi has basically disappeared from people’s sight, only appearing in the granular official media photos in the empty courtroom that presided over her trial and relied on her lawyers to convey information to the outside world.
This is a far cry from her experience of being under long-term house arrest during the last military rule, where she sometimes appeared in front of thousands of people gathered on the other side of the Yangon garden fence.
On the streets, the shadow “national unity government” formed by dismissed members of Aung San Suu Kyi’s party is striving to win international support and directly opposes the military government without her.
Rohingya community
But in his team, “there is a serious disagreement between the old guard who is loyal to Aung San Suu Kyi and the progressives who are eager to update,” Maung said.
The organization recently invited the Rohingya community in the country to join the fight against the military government, promising to end discriminatory policies against stateless minorities.
The use of the term “Rohingya” is new-Aung San Suu Kyi’s government even refused to use the term.
She refused to condemn the brutal repression that led to the 750,000 Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh in 2017, which severely damaged her reputation abroad, especially after she traveled to The Hague to defend the generals against charges of genocide.
Richard Horsey of the International Crisis Group stated that the coup has shown the world that Myanmar’s struggle for democracy is more complicated than the earlier era when Aung San Suu Kyi’s liberation from house arrest was considered a “solution”. .
However, he added that Aung San Suu Kyi is still a “potentially powerful political force” in Myanmar.
In June, on the occasion of her 76th birthday, people all over the country wore flowers in their hair-this is Aung San Suu Kyi’s iconic look since she started campaigning for democracy in the 1980s.
The regime has filed multiple charges against the detained leader, and if all the charges are convicted, she could be imprisoned for more than ten years.
For those who are still free to fight, there is no room for a repeat of the final compromise between Aung San Suu Kyi and the generals.
“It won’t work if we discuss with them,” said the sporadic flash mob organizers who are still popping up in Yangon.
“They always arm and oppress the people. The people expect to overthrow their military dictatorship.”
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