The bill itself contains a series of Stern proposal Undoubtedly, the aim is to prevent radicals from protesting.These proposals include the possible sentence of ten years in prison for causing public nuisance or destroying the statue; one GBPA fine of 5000 for the use of loudspeakers near the council; GBPLiving in a protest camp, he was fined 2500 pounds or three months; he was even sentenced to one year in jail for protesting solo.
Given the seriousness of the proposed sentencing guidelines outlined in the bill, it is difficult not to interpret these measures as further attempts by the central government to reverse, silence and calm the vibrant social movements that have erupted on the streets of Britain in the past few years; Fate is fate, and mobilized recently Women and their allies oppose patriarchy and state violence.
How the laws and guidelines proposed in the bill will be implemented is still inconclusive. However, if recent history is certain, these laws will be tested immediately after implementation.
When I was politically active for the first time in the mid-to-late 1990s, the then Conservative government-Secretary of the Interior Michael Howard-proposed Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994On the surface, this new legislation proved to be a necessary response to the growth of “free party” and “carnival” scenes. Their activities occupied warehouses, “recovered” public land and challenged private property, providing a series for right-wing media. Sensational and reactionary headlines in previous years.
Although the carnival scene has certainly proved itself to be the thorny issue of British ruled landlords-and the worry of those who have financial interests in maintaining commercial nightlife, there is no doubt that the intended goal of the bill goes far beyond crazy dances. Young people, tControversy—as it did—an emerging and “self-organizing” direct action culture that dominated political protests in the second half of the 1980s.
After all, it was caused by large-scale direct actions and non-payment of poll tax. Finally bought Margaret Thatcher (Margaret Thatcher)’s Conservative term ends.
The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act contains a series of direct challenges, not only at the carnival scene, but also at those engaged in political and cultural dissent.
The fifth part of the bill deals with “mass trespass and land nuisance”, including the part about carnival and other parts involving “destructive intrusion, squatting, and unauthorized camping.” These parts propose to make the former civil crimes The act is criminalized.
This led to many forms of protests, including those against the bloody movement and the growing anti-road movement, which later succeeded in resisting the Conservative Party’s irresponsible and environmentally damaging road construction plans.
The fifth part of the bill also repealed the obligation to provide venues for gypsies, Roma and travelers imposed by the 1968 Caravan Site Act on the local council.
Therefore, those who opposed the bill gathered a broad coalition of groups—revelers, squatters, sound systems, environmentalists, unionists, civil liberties organizations, new age travelers, football fans, and ramblers. , Gypsies, Roma and Traveller communities.and also Anti-road movement-All persons targeted by the Act.
As the time for the bill to pass into law drew nearer, the country witnessed a series of direct actions and large-scale street protests aimed at preventing its passage. The most notable was the large-scale demonstration in London on October 9. 100,000 people eventually rioted in Hyde Park Lasted until the evening.
Despite these large-scale objections, the bill became a bill when it was read in Parliament on November 3, 1994. However, direct action did not cease with the passage of the bill into law, and its campaign to criminalize has been widely carried out, although it is now forced to think about new and more creative ways to outwit the legislation.
In the end, the forces that were bought by opposing the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994 laid the foundation for the subsequent global movement of change in the late 1990s/early 2000s. This movement will shape the contours of radical politics in the following decade.
Given the scale of the crisis we face, direct action and protest must continue. Therefore, all those fighting for social and environmental justice must resist police, crime, sentencing, and court bills.
Although many groups hold different opinions and the proposed legislation aims to silence, only a concerted effort can effectively resist police, crime, sentencing and court bills.Recent protests against the bill Very promising in this regard.
Even if activists fail to prevent the bill from becoming law—just as we failed to pass the establishment of an effective coalition against the bill in the 1990s—social and environmental justice social movements can begin to build trust and maintain peace in the next ten years. Strengthen the friendships and networks necessary for radical and progressive political processes.
No matter how you look at it, the alliance is a win-win situation, not only for the present, but for all of our future.
Seth Wheeler is a co-editor (multimedia) in Ecologist. He is a contributing editor In and against the country, Published on Pluto Books.