The Syrian cement plant at the French terrorist financing investigation center was used by Western intelligence agencies to collect information about the hostages being taken. Islamic State, A source related to the operation said.
A Jordanian intelligence officer involved in espionage confirmed to the Guardian that the Lafarge factory, which continued to operate after the terrorist organization occupied eastern Syria, was one of the most controversial events in the war and a failed regional center. Efforts to rescue as many as 30 hostages. The detained ISIS members included American journalist James Foley, British photographer John Cantlie and Jordanian pilot Moaz al-Kasasbeh, two of whom were later confirmed to have been killed.
The French Supreme Court ruled this week that Lafarge may still be under investigation for suspected involvement in crimes against humanity in a Syrian transaction, saying that the previous decision to drop the charges was flawed.The company is under formal investigation France During 2013-14, efforts were made to keep operations at the peak of the rampage of terrorist organizations.
Lafarge accused A tax of up to 13 million euros (£11.15 million) was paid to IS to keep the factory located in the center of IS territory in normal operation. The company did not dispute this number and admitted to paying intermediaries, but said it did not know where the money would ultimately go.
The long-awaited ruling is considered to be a judicial precedent and has wide-ranging implications for companies operating in the theater of operations, but the role of Jordanian intelligence officials may also raise questions about the influence of intelligence agencies on sensitive business decisions that are ostensibly made Made by big companies, and any undisclosed role of the French government in keeping factories running.
“This is a bigger decision than Lafarge,” a senior intelligence source said. “The court case doesn’t explain the whole situation.”
Bruno Lafont, former chief executive, Jean-Claude Veillard, former security director, and Frédéric, former director of the company’s Syrian subsidiary. Jolibois has denied the allegations of financing terrorist organizations and endangering the lives of others, and may face a maximum sentence of 10 years in jail and fines if convicted.
However, senior French officials did not face public scrutiny, nor did they confirm their identities in a report issued by the combined entity LafargeHolcim and prepared by the Baker McKenzie law firm.
The Guardian learned that when Islamic State’s control of the region reached its peak, Jordanian spy Ahmed Jaludi traveled regularly between the factory and Amman to inform the heads of regional and global intelligence agencies of the alleged hostages. Where they were once tracked to an oil plant near Raqqa in eastern Syria.
Jaloudi’s job description is that of Lafarge’s senior risk manager. He also went to Raqqa to deal with a senior Islamic State leader, trying to ensure the release of the Jordanian pilot of the F-16 fighter that crashed near Raqqa. The pilot was later burned alive by IS, and his death was filmed and broadcast as a propaganda, which marked one of the most terrifying moments in the five-year rebellion.
This month, the Guardian contacted Jaludi, a senior official of the Jordanian Directorate of Intelligence (GID), to confirm his role. “I am very proud of the work I have done to ensure the hostages, the release of Jordanian pilots and the protection of factory workers. I provide real-time, accurate and actionable intelligence that may lead to the rescue of detainees.”
For more than three years, Jaludi has traveled to and from the so-called caliphate center many times from the Lafarge factory between Raqqa and Aleppo, arriving in Turkey, then Amman, and briefing officials about the situation every month. The spies in Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Jordan knew his role. All of them helped him get in and out of one of the most dangerous corners of the world, passed IS checkpoints, and survived its ruthless censorship. Counterintelligence team.
Intelligence sources confirmed that Jaloubi did not play any role in the company’s business operations. The Turkish National Intelligence Agency, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, facilitated his entry and exit from Syria through the Turkish border. His contact was General Faisal al-Shobaki, the head of the GID at the time. Sources confirmed that Jaludi is one of the most important agents managed by any intelligence agency in the territory of the Islamic State, and regularly provides information about the organization’s movements and leadership, especially the whereabouts of the hostages he has taken.
In early 2014, Jaludi helped confirm that the hostages, including journalists and rescuers, were being held at the al-Akirashi petrol station on the outskirts of Raqqa.
This information was confirmed by the factory’s delivery driver and courier. A second source within IS also told the Guardian that the oil plant was used as a detention center. A rescue mission was launched in April of the same year, but the hostages were transferred only a few days ago.
Lafarge is a global leader in construction materials, with more than 2,500 factories worldwide. Its investment in Syria in 2007 was valued at approximately 600 million euros, and it was considered an influential French corporate brand in the Middle East.
The company previously admitted that after its internal investigation, its Syrian subsidiary paid the armed groups to help protect factory employees. But as part of the French legal investigation, it rejected several charges against it, including its involvement in crimes against humanity because of its dealings with militant groups in the region, including the Islamic State.
During the investigation, Lafarge was also under investigation for suspected financing of terrorist organizations, which may lead to a trial, but a date has not yet been determined.
The factory was located near Jalabiya and was eventually occupied by IS at the end of 2014. IS was expelled during coalition air strikes, and the factory was subsequently occupied by American and French special forces as the battle to defeat the organization intensified.
