DHis first impression: Looking at historical documents, in an era when literature and politics are rarely close. Going back to the time before 1989, before the walls and iron curtain collapsed, Jean Genet (1910-1986) never saw it again. His political works and interviews appear as part of the German edition of Merlin Press. They are very close to his literary works in themes and structures, because for Genai literature, literature is an act of rebellion. This did not prevent him from making specific contacts, which are discussed in detail in this book: especially for Panthers and Palestinians, as well as immigrants in France, and by the way, for the Viet Cong.
The article can be traced back mainly from 1968 to 1975. 1970 was the climax, and it was the year of the trip to the United States and Palestine.Gennet wanted to stand on the side of “tomorrow’s truth”-and a strong hatred of most French society (reflected in Valerie Giska Destin), “US imperialism” or Israel is the “scar on the shoulders of Muslims”. In other words: in the Western world, it was branded with colonial capitalism.
Provocative and unscrupulous are traces of street boys
Even if the situation of Palestinians and blacks has not changed, many topics and judgments of Rene seem to be outdated to readers today-but the most important thing is his political language, which is almost like the intellectuals of the past era. And popular culture folklore. Depending on your point of view, you can condemn them for being misled (or smile at them), or miss their participation in idealization. However, both sights failed.From a personal point of view, René has a lot to say. He first became famous as a novelist, especially “Querelle de Brest” (1947) and “The Diary of a Thief” (1949); Jean Cocteau and Jean Paul Sartre It is its discoverer and promoter. Perhaps more striking is the drama, such as “The Maid” (1947), “The Negro” (1958) or “The Wall” (1961).
In order to enjoy all the fun of education, reformation, and disciplinary institutions that France could provide anyway in the 1930s and 1940s, at the age of thirteen, children were taken out of foster care and school, claiming that they had good reasons to run counter to his homeland. Rene was ecstatic about Hitler’s victory in Germany in 1940. Rene expressed this violently, which shows that he had a clear pleasure in provocation and that he was once a ruthless street boy.
Explosive reasons for revolutionary violence
The second point is universal. Since the discovery of the historicity of human existence around 1800, the power of time change has been overestimated. Of course, the times are changing, but some things will not—for example, many values or feelings are more nuances of basic human equipment. The changes are intellectually interesting, but they do not imply any fundamental changes. If the situation or behavior changes, it is by no means that the change is permanent. This is why what Rene declared in his political writings and interviews may not be passed as some people believe.
The most explosive example is the defense of revolutionary violence.Genet did this in particular in his infamous text “Violence and Barbarism” (published in Le Monde on September 2, 1977) dedicated to members of the Royal Air Force imprisoned in Stamheim And caused a scandal: BDI should be published three days after the release-President Hans-Martin Schleier Kidnapped by the Royal Air Force, killing three people; Schreer was later murdered. An excerpt from this article appeared in Der Spiegel on September 12 in German. Rene apologized that revolutionary violence was only a response to the brutal behavior of bourgeois society, which was simply too inconvenient. In terms of argument, it has the same function as the argument of systemic violence (Renet himself talked about “systemic brutality”), and people must defend themselves—and just as absurd.
